Leadership of Indira Gandi

Political Psychology, Vol. 26, No. 5, 2005
Indira Gandhi: The Relationship between Personality
Pro?le and Leadership Style

Blema S. Steinberg

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This article explores the relationship between Indira Gandhi’s personality pro?le in the period before she became Prime Minister and her leadership style during the time she was Prime Minister. The instrument for assessing the personality pro?le was compiled and adapted from criteria for normal personality types and pathological variants. Gandhi emerges as a multifaceted individual with four of her personality scales—the Ambitious, the Reticent, the Contentious, and the Dominating—approaching the level of mildly dysfunctional. A psychodynamic explanation for these patterns was then offered. This study also developed an instrument for evaluating leadership styles in a cabinet system of government and postulated the theoretical links between personality patterns and leadership style pro?les. Gandhi’s leadership style was then examined and links between personality pro?le and leadership style explored: In eight of the 10 leadership categories, Indira Gandhi’s leadership behavior matched our expectations for the Ambitious, Dominant, and Contentious personality pro?les but not the Reticent one. Further discussion focused on the two areas in which personality patterns fell short of predicting leadership style and the possible explanations for this result.
KEY WORDS: Indira Gandhi, personality pro?les, leadership style, psychodynamic explanations
Previous studies of the personalities of political leaders developed by political psychologists have been largely impressionistic, based on the psychological insights and categories of various authors. At a more systematic level, Immelman (1993, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2002, 2003) developed the concept of personality pro?les based on Millon’s (1969, 1986a, 1986b, 1990, 1991, 1994a, 1994b, 1996; Millon & Davis, 2000; Millon & Everly, 1985) detailed analyses of a number of personality patterns.

In the present study, largely based on the research design created by Immelman (1993, 2003), I chose to pro?le a political leader who was elected to the highest political of?ce—that of prime minister. From hypotheses developed about the links between particular personality patterns and leadership behavior, I then 755
0162-895X © 2005 International Society of Political Psychology Published by Blackwell Publishing. Inc., 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford, OX4 2DQ examined the empirical evidence of Indira Gandhi’s personality pro?le and her leadership style and the extent to which they matched theoretical expectations. No prime minister, hitherto, has been the subject of this type of personality pro?le, and female politicians in general are largely under studied. Indira Gandhi—one of the ?rst female prime ministers in the world (preceded only by Sirimavo Bandaranaike who became prime minister of Sri Lanka in 1960), as well as the longest serving prime minister of India, the most populous democracy in the world—was an ideal candidate with whom to begin this study. Born into India’s most prominent political family in 1917, Indira Nehru was immersed in politics from an early age. Stepping into the void left by her mother’s untimely death in 1936, as a young woman she became her father’s hostess (notwithstanding her marriage to Feroze Gandhi and subsequent motherhood), a role that expanded into con?dant and advisor over the ensuing years. After her father’s death in 1964, she accepted a minor portfolio in the Shastri government.
Lal Bahadur Shastri’s subsequent death, two years later, made her the compromise choice of the ruling Congress Party hierarchy for the post of the prime minister, since she was thought to harbor no political ambitions of her own. Over the next 11 years, she proved to be a formidable political leader, consolidating her control over the party and the country, winning the 1971 war with Pakistan that saw the creation of Bangladesh, and declaring a State of Emergency in 1975. This latter action, a culmination of bitter relations with the opposition, led to her political defeat in the 1977 elections. Out of power for the next three years, she returned triumphantly in 1980, and ruled India with an increased determination to maintain herself in of?ce. Not above manipulating communal grievances to stay in power, ironically she, herself, eventually fell victim of one of these crises. In 1984, she was assassinated by her own bodyguards, members of the Sikh community, thus ending a remarkable political career. An exceedingly complex individual, Indira Gandhi was frequently perceived as a shy, aloof young woman. And yet her behavior as Prime Minister was engaged and aggressive, climaxing in her declaration of a State of Emergency in 1975. If, as I argue, there is a relationship between personality patterns and the exercise of leadership, how can we account for what is commonly known about Indira before she became Prime Minister with her behavior as Prime Minister? To help answer this question and others related to her leadership style, I examined her personality pro?le prior to her assumption of the of?ce of the Prime Minister and investigated its impact upon her leadership style during her tenure as Prime Minister.
Purpose of the Study
The goal of this study is to explore, on the basis of a single case study, the extent to which personality manifests itself in leadership style. In an attempt to provide some preliminary answers to this question, a personality pro?le of Indira Gandhi, former Prime Minister of India, patterned on the work of Immelman
Indira Gandhi
(1993, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2002, 2003), was delineated. Then, as a second step, a set of categories for the exploration of prime ministerial leadership style was developed. A third step involved a discussion of the expected links between various personality pro?les and leadership styles. Finally, I examined the leadership behavior exhibited by Indira Gandhi as Prime Minister and the extent to which her personality pro?le was predictive of
her leadership style. Personality
Background to the Study of Personality
In his review of the ?eld of personality and politics, Simonton (1990) suggests that the dominant paradigm for the psychological examination of leaders has shifted from the earlier preponderance of qualitative, ideographic psychobiographical analysis toward quantitative and nomothetic methods. This trend re?ects the impact of Hermann’s (e.g., 1974, 1978, 1980, 1984, 1987) investigation of the in?uence of personal characteristics on foreign policy, Winter’s (1980, 1987) examination of the role of social motives in leader performance, and Suedfeld and Tetlock’s (1977) and Tetlock’s (1985) work in integrative complexity. Another major approach in the emerging quantitative-nomethetic approach to the study of personality noted by Simonton (1990, p. 671) involves the extension of standard personality instruments and techniques to the analysis of biographical material for the indirect assessment of political leaders (e.g., Immelman, 1998, 2000, 2002; Kowert, 1996; Milburn, 1977; Simonton, 1986).
I use this latter approach which has been adapted by Immelman (1993, 1999) from Millon’s model of personality (1969, 1986a, 1986b, 1990, 1991, 1994a, 1996; Millon & Davis, 2000; Millon & Everly, 1985). The resulting methodology entails the construction of empirically derived personality pro?les based upon diagnostically relevant content in political-psychological analyses, journalistic accounts, and biographies and autobiographies of political ?gures. These pro?les are based on the conceptual models of Millon (1996), Millon and Davis (2000), and Strack (1997), which offer an empirically validated taxonomy of personality patterns compatible with the syndromes described on Axis II of the fourth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV) of the American Psychiatric Association (APA, 1994). A distinguishing attribute of these models is that they provide an integrated view of normality and psychopathology. “No sharp line divides normal from pathological behavior; they are relative concepts representing arbitrary points on a continuum or gradient” (Millon, 1994, p. 283).

Method and Sources for Deriving Personality Pro?les Given that Immelman (1993, 2003) has provided a comprehensive review of Millon’s model of personality and its applicability to political personality, a brief description in this paper should suf?ce. The Millon Inventory of Diagnostic Criteria (MIDC), based on Millon’s model of personality, is essentially an index; it formally charts and scores 12 personality patterns across eight attribute domains. This assessment tool was compiled and adapted from criteria for normal personality types and pathological variants (see Immelman and Steinberg, 1999). Each attribute domain is a distinct facet of human behavior in which personality traits are manifested. (See Table 1 for a description of the attribute domains across which personality can be measured.) Table 2 spells out the 12 personality scales as well as speci?c descriptors/diagnostic criteria numbering from “a” to “e” in ascending order of importance of that trait within the speci?c personality scale. To assess the relative importance of the twelve personality patterns in Indira Gandhi’s overall personality pro?le, the presence of the diagnostic criteria associated with each pattern was measured across the ?ve attribute domains and each letter value from “a” to “e” was given a numerical weight from one to ?ve. The
Table 1. Millon’s Eight Attribute Domains
Description
Interpersonal conduct
Cognitive style
Mood/temperament

Self-image
Regulatory mechanisms
Object representations
Morphologic organization
Attribute
Expressive behavior
The individual’s characteristic behavior; how the individual typically appears to others; what the individual knowingly or unknowingly reveals about him- or herself.
How the individual typically interacts with others; the attitudes that underlie, prompt, and give shape to these actions; the methods by which the individual engages others to meet his or her needs; how the individual copes with social tensions and con?icts.
How the individual focuses and allocates attention, encodes and processes information, organizes thoughts, makes attributions, and communicates reactions and ideas to others.
How the individual typically displays emotion; the predominant character of an individual’s affect and the intensity and frequency with which he or she expresses it.
The individual’s perception of self-as-object or the manner in which the individual overtly describes him- or herself.
The individual’s characteristic mechanisms of self-protection, need grati?cation, and con?ict resolution.
The residue of signi?cant past experiences, composed of memories, attitudes, and affects that underlie the individual’s perceptions of and reactions to ongoing events.
The structural strength, interior congruity, and functional ef?cacy of the personality system.
Note. From Disorders of Personality: DSM-IV and Beyond (pp. 141–146), by T. Millon, 1996, New York: Wiley; Toward a New Personology: An Evolutionary Model (chap. 5), by T. Millon, 1990, New York: Wiley; and Personality and
Its Disorders: A Biosocial Learning Approach (p. 32), by T. Millon and G. S. Everly, Jr., 1985, New York: Wiley. Copyright © 1996, © 1990, © 1985 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
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Table 2. Taxonomy of Politically Relevant Personality Patterns Millon Inventory of Diagnostic Criteria: Scales and Gradations
Scale 1A:
Scale 1B:
Scale 2:
Scale 3:
Scale 4:
Scale 5A:
Scale 5B:
Scale 6:
Scale 7:
Scale 8:
Scale 9:
Scale 0:
Dominant pattern
a Assertive
b. Controlling
c. Aggressive (Sadistic [DSM-III-R]; Appendix A)
Dauntless Pattern
a. Venturesome
b. Dissenting
c. Aggrandizing (Antisocial; DSM-IV, 301.7)
Ambitious pattern
a. Con?dent
b. Self-serving
c. Exploitative (Narcissistic; 301.81)
Outgoing pattern
a. Congenial
b. Gregarious
c. Impulsive (Histrionic; 301.50)
Accommodating pattern
a. Cooperative
b. Agreeable
c. Submissive (Dependent; 301.6)
Aggrieved pattern
a. Unpresuming
b. Self-denying
c. Self-defeating (DSM-III-R, Appendix A)
Contentious Pattern
a. Resolute
b. Oppositional
c. Negativistic (Passive-aggressive; DSM-III-R, 301.84)
Conscientious pattern
a. Respectful
b. Dutiful
c. Compulsive (Obsessive-compulsive; DSM-IV, 301.4)
Reticent pattern
a. Circumspect
b. Inhibited
c. Withdrawn (Avoidant; DSM-IV, 301.82)
Retiring pattern
a. Reserved
b. Aloof
c. Solitary (Schizoid; DSM-IV, 301.20)
Distrusting pattern
d. Suspicious
e. Paranoid (DSM-IV, 301.0)
Erratic pattern
d. Unstable
e. Borderline (DSM-IV, 301.83)
Note. Equivalent DSM terminology and codes are speci?ed in parentheses.
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Steinberg
maximum possible score for each of the ?rst 10 personality scales was 30. This ?gure was derived from summing the numerical values assigned to a, b, and c, and multiplying it by the number of attribute domains. Using the same logic, the maximum possible score for each of the last two personality patterns was 45. For example, Indira Gandhi’s score of 21 on the Ambitious personality pattern was derived from adding the subscores for each of the ?ve domains across which personality was measured. Her expressive behavior and self-image received a coding of “a,” “b,” and “c” on the ambitious scale for a numerical count of 12 (1 + 2 + 3 ¥ 2); on the same scale, her interpersonal conduct, cognitive style, and mood/temperament were each coded as “a” and “b” for a numerical count of 9 (1 + 2 ¥ 3). Together this produced a score of 21.
It should be noted that the scores yielded by the MIDC scales possess the property of rank order, but not of equal intervals or absolute magnitude. In interpreting MIDC pro?les, it must be borne in mind that the measurement scale is ordinal, intended primarily to classify subjects into a graded sequence of personality classi?cations or levels, ranging from present (scores between 1 and 9); prominent (scores between 10 and 23); and mildly dysfunctional (scores between 24 and 40). For those individuals exhibiting a paranoid or erratic personality pattern, a score of between 20 and 36 is deemed to be moderately disturbed and a score above 36 would be markedly disturbed.
As explained in the MIDC manual, diagnostic signi?cance and cutoff points between normal, prominent, and dysfunctional scale variants are based on rational criteria derived from the speci?c manner of test construction. As a research instrument, the MIDC is not standardized on some normative sample, as is the case with conventional, commercially produced personality inventories used in clinical practice. In this regard, the MIDC diagnostic procedure is more akin to the decision-making process of clinicians when they employ the DSM as a diagnostic tool. Still, it offers at least a quasisystematic framework for analysis—a signi?cant departure from purely idiosyncratic bases of assessments. (Detailed information concerning the construction, administration, scoring, and interpretation of the MIDC is provided in the MIDC manual which is available upon request from the author (Immelman, 1999, 2002) or on the World Wide Web at http://www.csbsju.edu/uspp/Research/Research-Instruments.html.) The MIDC personality inventory was used to code diagnostically relevant information collected from available biographical source materials. In the case of Indira Gandhi, this included a detailed extraction and coding of material contained in the major biographies written about her. (See Bhatia (1974); Carras (1979); Frank (2001); Gupte (1992); Malhotra (1989); Masani (1975); and Vasudev (1974).) The choice of these studies was based on reviews, the richness of their source materials, and their scholarly contribution to the study. Collectively, these biographies provided a balance between the more supportive and the more critical approaches to the subject. As the database involved was extremely large, about 30% of the data was extracted and coded independently by two investigators with agreement on 83.4% of the items, while the remainder was coded by a single investigator.
In the construction of Indira Gandhi’s personality pro?le, ?ve of the eight attribute domains, namely, expressive behavior, interpersonal conduct, cognitive style, mood/temperament, and self-image, were explored for each of the 12 personality patterns/scales categorized in Millon’s taxonomy (1994, p. 292). Due to the absence of suf?cient information regarding Gandhi’s object representations, regulatory mechanisms, and morphological organization these attribute domains could not be meaningfully examined. Figure 1 provides a diagram of Indira Gandhi’s scores on each of the 12 personality scales.
Data Analysis
The analysis of the data for Indira Gandhi consisted of the personality scale scores (see Table 3), a MIDC personality pro?le (see Figure 1), and a clinical interpretation of signi?cant MIDC personality scores derived from the diagnostic procedure. Gandhi’s most elevated scales with scores of 21 were Scale 2 (Ambitious) and Scale 7 (Reticent), followed by Scale 5B (Contentious) with a score of 20, and Scale 1A (Dominant) with a score of 19. All these scores fell within the prominent range (between 10 and 23); indeed, four of them approached the mildly dysfunctional level. Although scores on each of the remaining scales were present, their comparatively modest levels relative to the four most prominent scores, noted above, rendered them essentially redundant for psychodiagnostic purposes. In terms of MIDC scale scores, Indira Gandhi was classi?ed primarily as a combination of the Ambitious (Scale 2), Reticent (Scale 7), Contentious (Scale 5B), and the Dominant (Scale 1A) personality patterns.
Indira Gandhi’s Multifaceted Personality
Few people exhibit personality patterns in pure or prototypical form. Although the standard diagnostic approach to interpreting MIDC pro?les emphasizes the elevations, i.e., the scores, of the two most prominent personality scales or patterns, personality functioning in reality involves the aggregation of several personality patterns (Immelman, 2002, p. 95).
This was amply demonstrated in the analysis of Indira Gandhi’s personality pro?le where four of her personality scales approached the mildly dysfunctional level. The theoretical foundations for the different personality patterns/scales were largely drawn from Millon’s (1994a, 1994b, 1996; Millon & Davis, 2000) models of personality, supplemented by the theoretically congruent portrait by Strack (1997).
With her elevated scores on Scales 2, 7, 5B, and 1A, Indira Gandhi emerged from the assessment as an amalgam of the self-serving, inhibited, oppositional, and controlling personality. These styles are exaggerated—though generally
40








36










33











30











27
Mildly
dysfunctional














24


Dominant
18
12
Markedly
disturbed



d
Moderately
disturbed
Reticent

Contentious

d

















10 b
b
6




















8
Present
e
e
15
Prominent

c
Ambitious
21



5 a
a
4
3









2










1









0











3
8
4
9
7
21
8
15
9
8
0
0
Scale: 1A 1B 2
Score: 19 11 21
5A 5B 6
14 20 11
Figure 1. Millon Inventory of Diagnostic Criteria: Pro?le Form for Indira Gandhi.
adaptive “b” level—variants of the Ambitious, Reticent, Contentious, and Dominant scales, which I discuss below. Scale 2: The Ambitious Scale
The Ambitious scale, as with all personality scales, occurs on a continuum ranging from normal to maladaptive. At the well-adjusted end (scores between 5 and 9) are the con?dent, poised, self-assured, ambitious, and persuasive

Table 3. MIDC Scale Scores for Indira Gandhi
Scale
Personality Pattern
Raw
RT%
1A
1B
2
3
4
5A
5B
6
7
8
Dominant: Asserting-Controlling-Aggressive (Sadistic)
Dauntless: Venturesome-Dissenting-Aggrandizing (Antisocial)
Ambitious: Con?dent-Self-serving-Exploitative (Narcissistic) Outgoing: Congenial-Gregarious-Impulsive (Histrionic)
Accommodating: Cooperative-Agreeable-Submissive (Dependent)
Aggrieved: Unpresuming-Self-denying-Self-defeating (Masochistic) Contentious: Resolute-Oppositional-Negativistic (Passive-aggressive) Conscientious: Respectful-Dutiful-Compulsive (Obsessive-compulsive) Reticent: Circumspect-Inhibited-Withdrawn (Avoidant)

Retiring: Reserved-Aloof-Solitary (Schizoid)
Scales 1–8
Distrusting: Suspicious-Paranoid (Paranoid)
Erratic: Unstable-Borderline (Borderline)
Full-scale total
19
11
21
8
9
14
20
11
21
15
149
8
0
157
12.8
7.4
14.1
5.4
6.0
9.4
13.4
7.4
14.1
10.1
100.0
5.1
0.0
105.1

9
0
Note. For the basic Scales 1–8, ratio scores are the raw scores for each scale expressed as a percentage of the sum of raw scores for Scales 1–8 only. For Scales 9 and 0, ratio transformed scores are scores expressed as a percentage of the sum of raw scores for all twelve MIDC scales (therefore, full-scale RT% totals can exceed 100). Personality patterns are enumerated with scale gradations and equivalent DSM terminology (in parentheses).
personalities. Exaggerated Ambitious features (scores between 10 and 23) occur in those individuals characterized by self-promotion, arrogance, a sense of entitlement, and a lack of empathy for others. In its most deeply ingrained in?exible form (scores between 24 and 30), the Ambitious pattern displays itself in an exploitative, manipulative style that may be consistent with a clinical diagnosis of a narcissistic personality disorder (Millon, 1994b, p. 32; Immelman, 1999). Indira Gandhi’s score on Scale 2 was well within the prominent but generally adaptive (i.e., self-serving) style of the Ambitious pattern. Normal adaptive variants of the Ambitious pattern (i.e., con?dent and selfserving types) correspond to Strack’s (1997) Con?dent style and Millon’s (1994a) Asserting pattern. Millon has summarized the Asserting (i.e., Ambitious) pattern as follows:
An interpersonal boldness, stemming from a belief in themselves and their talents, characterizes those high on the . . . Asserting scale. Competitive, ambitious, and self-assured, they naturally assume positions of leadership, act in a decisive and unwavering manner, and expect others to recognize their special qualities and cater to them. (1994a, p. 32) Ample evidence of the above personality pattern is to be found in the many descriptions of Indira Gandhi. As a child, Indira frequently pretended to be Joan of Arc and told her aunt that some day she would lead her people to freedom as the French heroine had done (Malhotra, 1989, p. 37). Rebuffed as a member of the Congress Party because of her youth, Indira was infuriated and formed an organization of her own, the Monkey Brigade (Vasudev, 1974, p. 60). Later, as a member of the Shastri Cabinet, her arrogance and sense of entitlement were evidenced in her anger that she was not consulted about the Prime Minister’s appointment of Sarawan Singh as Foreign Minister, even though she, herself, did not want the job (Malhotra, 1989, p. 84).
Scale 7: The Reticent Scale
At the well-adjusted end (scores between 5 and 9) of the Reticent scale are the watchful, private, and socially reserved personalities. Exaggerated Reticent features (scores between 10 and 23) occur in guarded, insecure, inhibited, and self-conscious personalities. In its most deeply ingrained, in?exible form (scores between 24 and 30), the Reticent pattern displays itself in overanxious, reclusive, and withdrawn behavior patterns that may be consistent with a clinical diagnosis of an avoiding personality disorder, or social phobia.
Gandhi’s score of 21 on Scale 7 (Reticent) equals her score on Scale 2 (Ambitious). The inhibited style is an in?ated variant of the Reticent pattern suggesting exaggerated features of the basic personality pattern, with the potential for a mild personality dysfunction. It is associated with guarded, insecure, wary, and apprehensive behavior. Normal adaptive variants of the Reticent pattern (i.e., circumspect and inhibited types) correspond to Millon’s (1994a) Hesitating pattern and Strack’s Inhibited style. According to Millon, the Hesitating [Reticent] pattern is characterized by social inhibition and withdrawal . . . Those scoring high on the Hesitating [Reticent] scale have a tendency to be sensitive to social indifference or rejection, to feel unsure of themselves, and to be wary in new situations, especially those of a social or interpersonal character. (1994a, p. 32)
Like the self-con?dent dimensions of Gandhi’s personality, her reticent and self-effacing behavior could be observed since childhood. She was hesitant of con?ding in anyone; she felt extremely lonely and was too proud to show it (Vasudev, 1974, p. 79). During her stay at Oxford, she was asked by Krishna Menon to give a speech to the India League. She reluctantly agreed, but at the meeting she froze and was unable to utter a word (Frank, 2001, p. 129). Even at 42, as a married woman and president of the Indian National Congress party, she was described as retiring and ill at ease in social settings (Carras, 1979, p. 6). Scale 5B: The Contentious Scale
Exaggerated Contentious features (scores between 10 and 23) occur in complaining, irksome, and oppositional personalities. In its most deeply ingrained,
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in?exible form, (scores between 24 and 30), the Contentious pattern displays itself in caustic, contrary behavior patterns that may be consistent with a clinical diagnosis of negativistic or passive-aggressive personality disorder. A score of 20 on Scale 5A (Contentious) in Indira Gandhi’s pro?le rendered it the third most important pattern in her personality pro?le. The oppositional style is an in?ated variant of the Contentious pattern which is associated with complaining, irritable, discontented, resistant, and contrary behavior. Normal, adaptive variants of the Contentious pattern (i.e., resolute and oppositional types) correspond to Millon’s (1994a) Complaining pattern and Strack’s (1997) Sensitive style. Strack provided the following portrait of the normal prototype of the Contentious pattern:
Sensitive [Contentious] personalities tend to be unconventional and individualistic in their response to the world. . . . They may be quick to challenge rules or authority deemed arbitrary and unjust. They may also harbor resentment without expressing it directly and may revert to passive-aggressive behavior to make their feelings known. (1997, pp. 490–491)
Other diagnostic features of the more in?ated variants of the Contentious
pattern are noted below.
Those scoring high on the Complaining [Contentious] scale often assert that they have been treated unfairly, that little of what they have done has been appreciated and that they have been blamed for things that they did not do. . . . Often resentful of what they see as unfair demands placed on them, they may be disinclined to carry out responsibilities as well as they could. . . . When matters go well, they can be productive and constructively independent-minded, willing to speak out to remedy troublesome issues. (Millon, 1994a, p. 34) Again, evidence attesting to the trait of contentiousness in Indira Gandhi’s personality abounds. During childhood, it was dif?cult for Indira to express her aggressive feelings spontaneously. However, she acknowledged a stubborn streak as a child, and “stubbornness is a passive way of expressing aggression” (Carras, 1979, p. 37). Gandhi was an indifferent student who frequently complained that she was not being taught anything that was relevant to her life (Frank, 2001, pp. 51–52). During her early career in the Congress, she never missed an opportunity, according to the journalist Malhotra, to emphasize to him that she was being treated shabbily (1989, p. 85). As her father’s hostess and con?dant, she was resentful about the shackles of duty and responsibility she felt (Frank, 2001, p. 267). Scale 1A: The Dominant Scale
At the well-adjusted end (scores between 5 and 9) of the Dominant scale are the assertive, tough, outspoken, and strong-willed personalities. Exaggerated

Dominant features (scores between 10 and 23) are present in controlling, forceful, and overbearing individuals. In its most deeply ingrained, in?exible form (scores between 24 and 30), the Dominant pattern displays itself in an aggressive, domineering, and belligerent pattern that is consistent with a clinical diagnosis of Sadistic personality disorder.
As re?ected in Gandhi’s score of 19 on Scale 1B (Dominant), the controlling
style was the fourth-ranked pattern in her personality pro?le. The controlling style is a more in?ated variant of the Dominant pattern; it suggests exaggerated features of the basic personality pattern with the potential for a mild personality dysfunction. It is associated with forceful, overbearing, intimidating, and abrasive behavior. Controlling individuals, though often somewhat disagreeable, tend to be emotionally stable and conscientious.
Normal adaptive variants of the Dominant pattern (i.e., asserting and controlling types) correspond to Millon’s (1994a) Controlling pattern and Strack’s (1997) Forceful style. According to Millon,
Controlling individuals enjoy the power to direct . . . others and to evoke obedience and respect from them. They tend to be tough and unsentimental . . . Although many sublimate their power-oriented tendencies in publicly approved roles and vocations, these inclinations become evident in occasional intransigence, stubbornness, and coercive behaviors. Despite these periodic negative expressions, controlling types typically make effective leaders, being talented in supervising and persuading others to work for the achievement of common goals. (1994a, p. 34) Biographical evidence supports these assertions and the high score yielded in this domain. Even as a child, when Indira saw the police snatching away the things she knew belonged to her “Mommy and Papu and Dadu,” she went after them, particularly the police inspectors, like a fury, and cried and stamped her feet (Vasudev, 1973, p. 340). When she became an adolescent, she learned how to gain control of a situation by refusing to respond—verbally or in letters—to others, including her father. During a visit to Nehru at Almora jail, Indira and her father quarreled, and she threatened not to see him for six months (Frank, 2001, p. 93). Later, when she encountered his resistance with regard to her marriage to Feroze Gandhi, she told her father that her mind was made up and again threatened to stop talking to him (Malhotra, 1989, p. 49).
In the political realm, Masani observed that Indira’s duties as Congress President appeared to have given her increasing self-con?dence, and “the shy and retiring young hostess of Teen Murti was developing rapidly into an assertive and imperious woman who could no longer be dismissed or ignored with impunity” (1975, p. 110). When language riots broke out in Madras in March 1965, Shastri decided to wait out the crisis. Indira, however, immediately hopped on a plane to Madras where she gave assurances to the protesters opposed to Hindi and helped restore peace. Shastri was extremely annoyed at the way she had “jumped over his head.” Inder Malhotra discussed the situation with Indira, who made it clear that she did not consider herself merely the Minister of Information and Broadcasting, but “ ‘one of the leaders of the country’ ” and asserted, “ ‘Do you think this government can survive if I resign today? I am telling you it won’t. Yes, I have jumped over the Prime Minister’s head and I would do it again whenever the need arises’ ” (Malhotra, 1989, p. 83).
The Personality Pro?le of Indira Gandhi
Unlike other political leaders pro?led using this model, Indira Gandhi displayed a personality pro?le in which all 10 of the personality scales that have an adaptive component (i.e., excluding the borderline and paranoid) were diagnostically signi?cant; that is, they received scores of ?ve or more. Each pattern was either present or prominent and the scores of four of them—the Ambitious, Reticent, Contentious, and Dominant—were so high in the prominent range as to be close to the mildly dysfunctional level. Such ?ndings are not that surprising, given the assessment of her many biographers that she had an extraordinarily complex character. As Masani observed: “While one part of her personality sought ful?llment in political leadership, the other craved the greater intimacy, peace and security of private life” (1975, p. 126). “
With her prominent Ambitious (Scale 2), Reticent (Scale 7), and Contentious (Scale 5B) personality con?gurations, Indira Gandhi matched a personality
composite that Millon (1996, pp. 411–412; see also Millon & Davis, 2000, pp. 278–279) has labeled the compensatory narcissist. This is a narcissistic (i.e., Ambitious) subtype infused with avoidant (i.e., Reticent) and negativistic (i.e., Contentious) features:
The compensating variant essentially captures the psychoanalytic [selfpsychological] understanding of the narcissistic personality. The early experiences of compensating narcissists are not too dissimilar to those of the avoiding and negativistic personalities. All have suffered “wounds” early in life. Rather than collapse under the weight of inferiority and retreat from public view, like the avoiding, or vacillate between loyalty and anger, like the negativist, however, the compensating narcissist develops an illusion of superiority. Life thus becomes a search to ful?ll aspirations of status, recognition, and prestige. . . . they seek to conceal their deep sense of de?ciency from others, and from themselves, by creating a facade of superiority. (Millon & Davis, 2000, pp. 278–279) Each of the three personality patterns—the Reticent, Ambitious, and Contentious—that produced a compensatory narcissistic pro?le, developed early in Indira Gandhi’s life. As Gandhi’s biographers discussed her childhood, the most common adjectives used to describe it were “lonely” and “insecure” (see Carras, 1979; Frank, 2001; Gupta, 1992; Malhotra, 1989; Masani, 1975; Vasudev, 1974), the essential ingredients for the fostering of the Reticent personality. As a very young child, Indira was indulged by her grandfather; however, his death, her mother’s tuberculosis when she was eight, and her father and mother’s frequent imprisonment meant that Indira grew up a lonely, solitary child largely in the company of servants. At the age of 13, all of Indira’s relatives were either jailed or away from home (Vasudev, pp. 66–67).
Her father’s sister, Vijayalakshmi, regarded Indira as a gangling awkward girl and made no secret of her disdain for her (Bhatia, 1974, p. 41). Even Indira’s father was capable of walling off his daughter. While he was in prison, the authorities punished Nehru by banning family visits for a month. Nehru retaliated by voluntarily foregoing visits for six more months which meant that Indira had to return to boarding school without seeing him for the rest of the summer (Hart, 1976, p. 245). A lonely adolescent, she might have felt rejected when her father seemed so prepared to deny himself her visits. As Masani observed: “From an early age, she had been alternately petted and abandoned by those around her. Now she was suspicious of emotional attachments and shy of wearing her heart on her sleeve: far better to be selfcontained” (1975, p. 33). At school, Indira was remembered as shy, aloof, and very unhappy. Indira’s mother, Kamala, with whom Indira was very close, died at the age of 35 when Indira was eighteen. Indira’s education was extremely disjointed—she was sent to 13 schools in 18 years, exacerbating her shyness, and she never developed the passion for learning that her father Jawaharlal so esteemed. As if to compensate for her shy, aloof nature, Indira fell in love and married Feroze Gandhi, who was the direct antithesis. Extroverted, warm, and demonstrative, Feroze proved to be singularly ill-suited to Indira and their relationship became increasingly estranged, the product of Feroze’s womanizing and Indira’s dutiful decision to act as unof?cial hostess for her father which meant a great deal of time away from her husband. Their eventual separation was another major source of sadness and despondency for Indira.
Other dimensions of Indira’s personality, such as the Ambitious pattern (Scale 2, score of 21), can also be traced from early childhood. Exposed to a highly politicized environment—both her parents spent time in jail—Indira’s ambitions were fueled by the struggle against British rule. As a child, she imagined herself leading her people to victory like Joan of Arc (Malhotra, 1989, p. 37). In 1938, Indira joined the Indian National Congress party and subsequently became its president in 1959, notwithstanding her father’s less than enthusiastic endorsement of the idea (Vasudev, 1974, p. 258).
Indira’s Contentiousness (Scale 5B, score of 20) and her determination to challenge the status quo may well have been nurtured by her mother’s experiences as a semioutcast from the more sophisticated circle of Nehru’s sisters. As a child, it pained her deeply to see how shabbily her mother was treated, and she protested the unjust arrangements in her home (Carras, 1979, p. 89). Her relationship with her father also acted as a stimulus for the Contentious pattern her personality developed. As a leader in the Indian struggle for independence, Nehru was frequently away from home, and Indira found it dif?cult as an adolescent to openly challenge or disagree with her eminent father (Frank, 2001, p. 69). Another domain in which Indira’s Contentious personality pattern revealed itself was in her moods—she was frequently distraught and despondent. Her mother’s illness, her parents’ imprisonment, her mother’s subsequent death at an early age, as well as her own bout with tuberculosis, were instrumental in the general moodiness she exhibited. Although she took on the responsibility of acting as her father’s hostess, she resented the demands on her time and wrote of feeling like “a caged bird” (Frank, 2001, p. 254).
Indira was also a Dominant personality (Scale 1A, score of 19). She was determined not to allow others to control her life, as had her mother. She de?ed the Mahatma and her father on a number of occasions, particularly in her choice of a husband. In 1959, immediately after she became party president, she again challenged her father on the Kerala issue. A communist government in Kerala had created signi?cant unrest by introducing a bill to subject parochial schools to state controls and accountability. Mass agitation was launched to unseat the government. When Nehru refused to intervene on the grounds that the government had been duly elected, Indira told a journalist that her father had spoken as Prime Minister, “As Congress president, I intend to ?ght them and throw them out” (Vasudev, 1974, p. 276).
Indira Gandhi’s ?rst years as Prime Minister were marked by great inner
uncertainty and, consequently, by indecision and vacillation in her leadership. Most people were not surprised; indeed, it con?rmed the general impression that although she was inherently reticent and retiring, she had been thrust to the center of power by the memory of her father and the divisions among the Congress politicians who survived him. However, the 1967 elections were, according to Bhatia (1974, pp. 197–198), a turning point in Gandhi’s political career. Through her extensive campaigning, she found that she could reach the masses effectively and that their response to her was much more positive than to any of her rivals. From this point on, her self-con?dence began to develop and the Ambitious, Dominant, and Contentious patterns in her personality pro?le received greater expression.
Successful in the struggle to control the Congress Party by 1970, Indira Gandhi was largely transformed into a politician whose personality traits of ambition, dominance, and contentiousness were to be far more in evidence than the shy, aloof, aggrieved, and accommodating dimensions of her personality. The acquisition of power and the sense of accomplishment it engendered seems to have facilitated Gandhi’s suppression of the introverted dimensions of her personality pro?le and permitted a greater expression of the ambitious, dominant, and contentious aspects. Nowhere was this more in evidence than her decision to declare a State of Emergency in 1975, which effectively suspended civil liberties, the functioning of parliament, and the freedom of the press.

But to understand the impact that Indira Gandhi’s personality patterns had on her leadership behavior, we must turn ?rst to the question of leadership style in general, and then to Gandhi’s in particular.
Leadership Style
Background to the Study of Leadership Style
The study of political leadership style has been the focus of a number of
different scholars. (See, for example, Barber (1992); Etheredge (1979); George (1980, 1988); George & George (1998); George & Stern (1998); Greenstein (1993/4, 1994, 1995); Hermann (1977, 1994, 1995); Hermann & Preston (1995); and Renshon (1994, 1995; 1996a,b), who have looked at the American presidency, and Kaarbo (1997) and Kaarbo & Hermann (1998), who have explored prime ministerial leadership style in various European countries.) Attempts have been made as well to explain particular types of leadership style with such antecedents as motives and needs by Walker (1995); Walker and Falkowski (1984); and Winter (1973, 1988, 1992, 1995); character and belief systems by George and George (1964, 1998); Hermann (1977); and Renshon (1995, 1996); operational codes by George (1979, 1980); and Walker (1977, 1995); and personality variables by Immelman (1993, 1998); Simonton (1988); and Winter (1995).
While every scholar seems to have his or her own de?nition of leadership style, the underlying concepts appear to be similar—how the leader carries out the responsibilities of his or her of?ce; more speci?cally, the leader’s work habits, and how they relate to those around them. After reviewing various studies of presidential leadership style Hermann and Preston (1994) distilled ?ve common leadership style variables—involvement in the policymaking process, willingness to tolerate con?ict, motivation for leading, and preferred strategies for resolving con?ict. Kaarbo (1997, pp. 561–563) adopted and modi?ed these ?ve variables and added two variables from the literature on organizational leadership style— relations with members of the cabinet and task orientation.
Leadership Style: A New Synthesis
This study adapted ?ve of the variables (motivation for leading, task orientation, cabinet management strategy, information management strategy, and relations with the party) developed by Hermann and Preston (1980) and Kaarbo (1997, pp. 561–563), and added another ?ve variables that examine the prime minister’s relations with personnel, opposition parties, the media, and the public, and his/her investment in job performance. These have been grouped into three spheres of activity: ?rst, the leader and his/her motivation, task orientation, and investment in job performance; second, the leader and the executive—cabinet and information management strategies; and third, the leader and relations with other personnel, caucus, the party, the opposition, and the media (see Table 4). The ?rst leadership style variable centers around the question of a prime minister’s motivation for leading. A survey of the literature has suggested that a variety of needs and incentives induce individuals to assume leadership positions in politics (see Kaarbo & Hermann, 1998, pp. 251–252). The leader may be motivated by pragmatism (a belief in an obligation to the party to shape government policies along incremental lines); by personal validation (the wish to be popular and to be accepted); by an ideological agenda (a coherent system of political beliefs that shapes government policy); or a desire for power (dominance and control). The amount of energy and time that a prime minister brings to the of?ce is another variable of leadership style (Barber, 1972/1992). It demonstrates whether the leader places limits on the extent of the commitment to the of?ce or whether there is a tireless outpouring of energy. Prime ministers may be interested primarily in the process of government, the building of concurrence, and the development of good relations among the members of cabinet, or they may be more goal oriented, focusing on speci?c ends and their implementation. The way in which the prime minister organizes the composition of and manages the decision-making process within the cabinet is another facet of leadership style. How are policy dilemmas resolved? To what extent is there involvement in the policy process? Who becomes part of the locus of decision making is also something the prime minister decides. In these activities, the prime minister’s style may run the gamut from being largely uninvolved, to a consensus builder, to an arbitrator, and ?nally, to a strong advocate. Although information in a cabinet setting is usually channelled through the various ministries, prime ministers will differ as to how they choose to review such information and how they relate to their close advisers. The same, of course, is true for presidents in a
presidential system (George, 1980, 1988; George & George, 1998; Hermann, 1978, 1987; Hermann & Preston, 1995; Kaarbo, 1997). They may want all the facts about the problem or situation and do the interpretation themselves, or they may only be interested in seeing summaries and policy options. Of interest here is how much input the prime minister wants into the way problems and issues are framed and get onto the agenda.
In managing the ?ow of information that comes to the of?ce, does the prime minister use a system of individuals to ?lter information and minimize direct involvement, or is close scrutiny more likely? Closely related is the question on whom the prime minister relies for information. Does the prime minister prefer to receive policy relevant data from his cabinet and senior civil servants, or is there a reliance on other sources?
The ?nal cluster of leadership style variables focuses on the prime minister’s interpersonal relations with those with whom he/she works, i.e., state-level
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Steinberg
Table 4. Leadership Style Categories
CLUSTER A
(Focus: Motive, Task Orientation, and Task Performance)
(i)
MOTIVATION
(What shapes broad political choices)
(a) Pragmatism
(shaping government policies along incremental lines with the view of system maintenance)
(b) Personal Validation
(Popular Approval/Acceptance/Narcissistic issues)
(c) Ideology
(a coherent system of political beliefs that shapes government policies with an agenda for signi?cant change)
(d) Power
(Dominance and Control)
(ii)
TASK ORIENTATION
(a) Process
(concurrence building—the group and the hierarchy of relations with them/means) (b) Goal
(task accomplishment/issues–end)
(iii)
JOB PERFORMANCE
(a) Circumscribed
(limits placed on amount of energy and commitment)
(b) Tireless
(High level of commitment and energy)
CLUSTER B
(Focus: decision-making and information management)
(iv)
CABINET MANAGEMENT STRATEGY
(How PM organizes composition of and manages the decision-making process within the cabinet)
(a) Uninvolved
(b) Consensus Builder
(c) Arbitrator
(d) Advocate (Authoritative/Peremptory)
(v)

INFORMATION MANAGEMENT STRATEGY
1. Degree of involvement
(a) Low
(use of ?lters to minimize direct involvement in search for and analysis of policyrelevant data) (b) High
(PM more directly involved)
2. Sources
(a) Ministerial
(Cabinet/Civil Service)
(b) Independent
(Variety of sources)
Indira Gandhi
CLUSTER C
(Focus: Inter personal relations)
(vi)
RELATIONS WITH PERSONAL STAFF AND SENIOR CIVIL SERVANTS
(How leader interacts with aides and members of the senior civil service) 1. Degree of Involvement
(a) Low
(b) High
2.
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)
(e)
Type of Involvement
Collegial/Egalitarian/Solicitous—(Egalitarian)
Polite/Formal
Attention-seeking/Seductive
Demanding/Domineering/Antagonistic/Competitive
Manipulative/Exploitative

(vii) RELATIONS WITH THE PARTY
(Relationship between leader and caucus)
1. Caucus
(a) Uninvolved
(b) Cooperative/Harmonious
(c) Competitive/Oppositional
(d) Controlling/Combatative/Overbearing/Manipulative/Exploitative 2.
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)
Extra-Parliamentary Party Organization
Uninvolved
Cooperative/Harmonious
Competitive/Oppositional
Controlling/Combative/Overbearing/Manipulative/Exploitative
(viii) RELATIONS WITH OPPOSITION PARTIES
(a) Uninvolved
(b) Cooperative
(c) Competitive/Oppositional
(d) Controlling/Combatative/Overbearing/Manipulative/Exploitative (ix)
RELATIONS WlTH THE MEDIA
(a) Open
(accessible, informative, friendly)
(b) Closed
(inaccessible, uninformative, unfriendly)
(x)
RELATIONS WITH THE PUBLIC
(a) Active
(prefers direct engagement with the public)
(b) Passive
(little direct engagement with the public and/or preference for government of?cials to articulate and defend government policy)
773
774
Steinberg
governmental of?cials, members of the judiciary, etc., with his or her own party, with the opposition, the media, and the public. The prime minister interacts with a number of individuals on a daily basis. The extent of the involvement may be high or low; stylistically it may encompass patterns ranging from solicitous, to polite, attention seeking, demanding, and even exploitative. With both the caucus and the extra-parliamentary party organization, the prime minister may behave cooperatively or be competitive or combative and overbearing. Since con?ict is a very pervasive element in cabinet life, especially in highly factional single party cabinets and in coalition cabinets (see ‘t Hart, 1994), the management of party relations by a prime minister is extremely important.
Analysts have also focused on “how the leader carries out or implements decisions,” the way in which the leader mobilizes, orchestrates, and consolidates support for his or her policy decisions (Renshon, 1996a, 1996b). Does the prime minister attempt to sell policies by going beyond the party and parliament to appeal to the public at large? Does he or she try to educate or manipulate the public? Or does the leader display little direct engagement with the public, preferring government of?cials to articulate and defend government policy? Those prime ministers who focus on policy achievements are more likely to use the of?ce of the prime minister as a bully pulpit, while those who stress the policy process will be less inclined to try to generate additional support among the attendant public.

Lastly, in relations with the media, the prime minister may be accessible and informative or inaccessible and hostile. Prime ministers who emphasize the implementation of signi?cant policy changes are more likely to generate greater opposition, which in turn will be re?ected in some parts of the media, than those who are more concerned with maintaining the political process with incremental changes. In the face of hostility on the part of the media, the Prime Minister is more likely to become less accessible and more hostile.
Method for Assessing Leadership Styles
Information concerning Indira Gandhi’s leadership style during the period that she was Prime Minister was gathered from primary (speeches and letters) and secondary (biographies and journal articles) sources. Although biographies were also used to assess personality patterns, the potential problem of shared variance in this case is more apparent than real. First, Indira Gandhi’s personality was assessed only from the biographical material that dealt with her life before she became Prime Minister, while her leadership style was evaluated only from the materials that described her behavior after she became Prime Minister. Thus, a clear time differentiation exists. Second, the variables that were used to measure personality patterns were very different from the variables used to assess leadership style, thus minimizing the problems of circularity.

Leadership Style Inventory
The assessment framework (Steinberg, Kotsovilis, & Osweiler, 2002; see Table 4) developed for this part of the study consists of 10 categories and subcategories that qualitatively assess the dynamics of leadership style. The goal was to produce an index that captures the quantitative proportion of each of the qualitative measures within each category. Thus, for example, in the category of motivation for leadership, four qualitatively different reasons were examined: pragmatism, personal validation, ideology, and power.
Then the proportion of each of these four variables was calculated so that the strength of each as a percentage of the total could be assessed. This was done for each of the remaining nine categories and subcategories in order to produce a leadership style pro?le of Indira Gandhi. Given the size of the data base, about 35% of the data was extracted and coded independently by two investigators with agreement on 85.8% of the items, while the remainder was coded by a single researcher. A total of 1,273 items that pertained to the 10-category leadership style inventory were coded. Indira Gandhi’s Leadership Style
This section examines the empirical evidence of Gandhi’s leadership style: motivation for leading; task orientation; investment in job performance; management style, both with the cabinet and in the realm of information gathering; and her interpersonal relations with her associates, the caucus, the extraparliamentary party, the opposition, the media, and the public. Results showed that she was motivated primarily by pragmatism and power, focusing on goals rather than process. With her cabinet, she functioned largely as an advocate for her goals and preferred to rely on independent sources of information. In her dealings with personnel, the party caucus, the extra-parliamentary party organization and the opposition parties, she was largely demanding, domineering, competitive, controlling, and oppositional. She was capable of being both accessible and friendly to the media as well as being hostile and closed, depending on the time period. It was only with the public that Indira demonstrated a consistent pattern or openness and warmth (see Table 5).
Motivation
In the area of motivation we ?nd that, notwithstanding a brief ?irtation with socialism, Indira Gandhi was a decidedly nonideological leader. Only 7.4% (24) of the items on motivation mention ideology as a reason for her policy choices. Nor was she particularly motivated by the need for personal validation. Again, only 7.5% (25) of the coded items on this subject refer to this dimension. Political pragmatism was a far more important motivator than ideology or personal

776
Steinberg
Table 5. Leadership Style Categories—Total Score for Indira Gandhi
(i)
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)
MOTIVATION (330 codings)
Pragmatism
138
Personal Validation
25
Ideology
24
Power
143
41.8%
7.5
7.3
44.3
(ii) TASK ORIENTATION (82 codings)
(a) Process
7
8.6%
(b) Goal
75
91.4
(iii) INVESTMENT IN JOB PERFORMANCE
(64 codings)
(a) Circumscribed
6
9.4%
(b) Tireless
58
90.6
(iv) CABINET MANAGEMENT
STRATEGY (88 codings)
(a) Uninvolved
0
0.0%
(b) Consensus Builder
1
1.1
(c) Arbitrator
3
3.4
(d) Advocate
84
95.5
(v) INFORMATION MANAGEMENT
STRATEGY (120 codings)
1. Degree of Involvement (35 codings)
(a) Low
5
14.3
(b) High
30
85.7
(vi) RELATIONS WITH PERSONNEL
(129 codings)
1. Degree of Involvement (29 codings)
(a) Low
1
3.5%
(b) High
28
96.5
2. Sources
(a) Ministerial
(b) Independent
2.
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)
(e)
(105 codings)
11
13.0%
74
87.0
(vii) RELATIONS WITH PARTY
(172 codings)
1. Caucus (59 codings)
(a) Uninvolved
2
3.4%
(b) Cooperative
5
8.5
(c) Competitive
31
52.6
(d) Controlling
21
35.6
2.
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)
Type of Involvement (100 codings)
Collegial
11
11.0%
Polite
6
6.0
Seductive
16
16.0
Demanding
39
39.0
Manipulative
28
28.0
(vii) RELATIONS WITH OPPOSITION
(94 codings)
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)

Uninvolved
Cooperative
Competitive
Controlling
3
8
36
47
3.2%
8.5
38.3
50.0
Extra-Parliamentary organization (113 codings)
Uninvolved
4
3.5%
Cooperative
13
11.5
Competitive
70
62.0
Controlling
26
23.0
(ix) RELATIONS WITH MEDIA (89 codings)
(a) Open
(b) Closed
44
45

49.4%
50.6
(x) RELATIONS WITH PUBLIC
(105 codings)
(a) Open
105
100.0%
(a) Closed
0
0.0%
Indira Gandhi
777
validation accounting for 41.8 % (138) of the items coded. While pragmatism was a central factor in Indira Gandhi’s motivations, the evidence suggests that the drive for power, although marginally, was even more signi?cant. Of all the items coded on motivation, 44.3% (143) indicate that issues of power were predominant. Investment in Job Performance
Indira Gandhi was heavily involved in her role as Prime Minister. Politics took over her life as she traveled extensively crisscrossing India with extraordinary energy (Gupte, 1992, p. 331). A 16-hour or longer working day was the norm with very little time for family, friends, or relaxation (Frank, 2001, p. 355). Of the 64 coded items, 90.6% showed a strong investment in her job performance.
Task Orientation
The empirical evidence indicates that Indira Gandhi was overwhelmingly concerned about task implementation and little concerned with the issue of building concurrence among her cabinet. Rather, she treated many of her cabinet colleagues as potential challengers, and if any grew too powerful,
she saw to it that their powers were curbed, even if it meant dismissing capable individuals. Of the 82 items coded on this dimension, 91.4% focused on goal implementation. Cabinet Management Strategy
Indira Gandhi’s dealings with her cabinet demonstrated overwhelmingly (95.5% of the 88 items coded) that her preferred role was to act as an advocate, rather than a consensus builder, or arbitrator between various government ministers. But advocacy only partly captures the extent to which she dominated her colleagues; she dismissed those who might have challenged her and placed her favorites in senior government posts. Her advocacy was, in fact, an authoritative, peremptory exercise of power.
Information Management Strategy
As part of her overall activist stance as Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi demonstrated a high degree of involvement in the management of information, preferring to search out what she wanted to know, rather than waiting for it to be presented to her. Of the 35 items coded on this topic, 85.7% displayed Gandhi’s high-level involvement in the process. Information was sought largely from independent sources and of the 120 items coded on this subject, and 87% revealed a preference for independent sources of information; Gandhi relied on her ministers only 13% of the time.

Relations with Personnel
Indira Gandhi’s dealings with her aides, advisers, and members of other branches of government were coded for the degree of involvement and the type of behavior exhibited. In general, there were few references to the degree of involvement; only 29 items were coded and, of these, 96.5% were coded as high. In contrast, 100 items were coded for the type of involvement: 11% were coded as collegial/egalitarian, 6% as polite/formal, 16% were attention-seeking/seductive, 39% were demanding/domineering, and 28% were manipulative/exploitative. Party Caucus

Indira Gandhi’s relationship with the party caucus—and more particularly her cabinet colleagues—was overwhelmingly contentious from 1966 until 1970. From 1970 on, as power shifted from the Cabinet to the Prime Minister’s Secretariat, her relations with the party caucus became manipulative/exploitative. Later, power would shift even more to the Prime Minister’s house next door (Frank, 2001, p. 354). The party caucus and the cabinet increasingly assumed a rubber stamp function and the cabinet no longer operated as a center of policy making. Of the 59 items that were coded in this category, 3.4% were uninvolved, 8.5% were cooperative/harmonious, 52.6% were competitive/oppositional, and 35.6 % were controlling/overbearing/manipulative.
Extra-Parliamentary Party Organization
Indira’s relations with the party organization largely mirrored those with the party caucus. Of the 113 items coded on this topic, 62% were competitive or oppositional, and 23% were controlling, overbearing, or manipulative for a total of 85%. In only 3.5% of her dealings with the party organization was Indira uninvolved, while she exhibited a spirit of cooperation only 11.5% of the time. Opposition Parties
Given the nature of her competitive and controlling relationships with both her caucus and the Congress party organization, it is hardly surprising that Gandhi would manifest the same type of behavior with the various opposition parties. Of the 94 items that were coded on this subject, 38.3% were competitive/ oppositional, while 50% were controlling/overbearing.
Media
Gandhi’s relations with the media vacillated between being accessible, informative, and friendly to being uninformative, inaccessible, and unfriendly. Of the 89 items that were coded on this topic, 49.4% were coded as open and 50.6% as closed. Virtually all of the items coded as open occurred prior to the imposition of Emergency Rule (1975), while the vast majority of the items coded as closed took place after.
Public
In her relations with the public, Indira Gandhi’s leadership style was extremely open. The Indian crowds seemed to energize her, and she felt a special bond with the Indian masses who loved the combination of her aristocratic background and her simple down-to-earth manner. Of the 105 items coded on this issue, 100% demonstrated an open style.
Theoretical Links between Personality Pro?les and Leadership Styles Although human beings tend to exhibit more than one signi?cant or predominant personality pattern, it is perhaps most useful to begin a discussion on the links between personality patterns and leadership style with a delineation of some pure types. Given space limitations, I chose to focus on the four most important personality patterns I discussed earlier—those that reached a score of 19 or more in Indira Gandhi’s personality pro?le. Once we can theorize about the contribution of Dominant (Scale 1A, a score of 19), Ambitious (Scale 2, a score of 21), Contentious (Scale 5B, a score of 20), and Reticent (Scale 7, a score of 21) personality patterns to leadership style, we are then in a position to examine Gandhi’s actual leadership style and to explore the ways in which a combination of personality patterns impacted upon it.
Dominant and Ambitious Leaders
For the very ambitious leader, narcissistic components may also produce an enhanced emphasis on the need for personal validation as a motivation for policy initiatives. Both the Dominant and Ambitious leaders are more likely to be goaloriented rather than process-oriented. Motivated by power and/or ideology, they are less interested in maintaining good relations between their colleagues and more interested in accomplishing goals. For these reasons, their investment in job performance is more likely to be tireless,
rather than circumscribed. Not for them relaxed, laissez faire approaches.
Both these types of prime ministers are also more likely to act as advocates within their cabinets rather than as consensus builders or arbitrators. Given their personalities that stress dominance or self-promotion—as well as the nature of their goals and the energy they bring to bear on their implementation—they are also more likely to exhibit a higher degree of involvement in managing informa-tion and to prefer to obtain their information from a variety of independent sources, rather than relying merely on the cabinet and the civil service. In the area of personnel management, we would expect Dominant and Ambitious leaders to be highly interactive with aides, assistants, and staff, and the treatment of their subordinates to be extremely demanding if not domineering, and perhaps even exploitative. Ambitious leaders are also more likely to engage in attention seeking behavior with their aides. In their dealings with members of their caucus, the extra-parliamentary party organization, and the opposition, both Dominant and Ambitious leaders are unlikely to be uninvolved or to behave in a cooperative and harmonious fashion. Given the status of these constituencies as the wellspring of both continuity in and challenges to their leadership, we would expect relations to be oppositional and competitive and even controlling and overbearing.
Outside the parliamentary arena, we would expect that Dominant prime ministers do not enjoy harmonious relations with the media as they would want to control and dominate it; their relationship, therefore, is more likely to be characterized as hostile and uncooperative. Relations with the media will be more problematic for Ambitious leaders. They may attempt to cultivate the media to fuel their ambitious plans. If, however, they are criticized, their wounded narcissism may distance them from the media and result in strained relations. Dominant and Ambitious leaders can be expected
to be active rather than passive in their relations with the public. Given either their strong-willed, outspoken personalities in the ?rst instance, or their self-assured, self-promoting personalities in the second, such leaders are unlikely to want to have others articulate or defend their policies for them.
Contentious Leaders
The core diagnostic feature of Contentious leaders is their nonconformity. They are outspoken, unconventional, and frequently unhappy with the status quo. Since they are quick to challenge rules and authority, they are more comfortable when they themselves are the authority. Therefore, they are more likely to be motivated by power and ideology and less likely by pragmatism. Given their individuality and independence, Contentious leaders are unlikely to exhibit much concern with or interest in the machinery of government or care about concurrence building. Rather, they are more likely to be goal, rather than task, oriented. Like Controlling and Ambitious leaders, Contentious leaders will be likely to invest a substantial amount of energy and effort in their jobs. Since they frequently feel put upon and consequently behave in a complaining, obstructive fashion, they will make strenuous efforts to alter the dynamics of their environment in the belief that other people will then be more responsive to their demands. In their dealings with their cabinets, Contentious leaders will be more likely to act as advocates, since they are determined, resolute, and even willful personalities. Such leaders are also skeptical, doubting, and critical; they are more likely to prefer to be directly involved in the search for and analysis of policy-relevant data and to use a variety of sources to assuage their doubts.
The degree of involvement with personnel is likely to be high—a function of their complaining and obstructive personalities; in addition, the type of
involvement will most likely be of a demanding/domineering nature. In their relations with their party caucus, the extra parliamentary, party organization, and opposition parties, Contentious leaders are more likely to exhibit competitive/oppositional behavior. With the media, such leaders are unlikely to be open; lacking trust and being skeptical, they are more likely to be uninformative and unfriendly. In their relations with the public, Contentious leaders may exhibit a mixed pattern of behavior. If they resent the demands on their time, they may prefer to allow their designated spokespersons to do the job for them, an arrangement that gives them the opportunity to complain about their ostensible inadequacies. Alternatively, their dealings with the populace are more likely to be active, rather than passive, if their dissatisfaction with their own of?cials’ handling of public relations forces them to become more involved.
Reticent Leaders
We expect that those leaders who demonstrate a high score on the Reticent personality pattern will have a leadership style pattern that differs markedly from those of the Dominant and Ambitious personality types. Since the Reticent leader is characterized by social inhibition and withdrawal, this personality type can be expected to demonstrate similar patterns of leadership behavior. The circumspect, inhibited Reticent is unlikely to be motivated by power, ideology, or self-validation, which require a greater sense of self. Issues of pragmatism—keeping the government together and handling day-to-day business—require less assertive leadership and, thus, are likely to be more appealing to the Reticent personality pro?le. For the same reasons, these personality types are more likely to be processoriented rather than goal-oriented, preferring to invest only a certain circumscribed amount of effort in their jobs. Because Reticent leaders are more likely to be insecure and ill at ease, they are less likely to take on the role of consensus builder, arbitrator, or advocate within their cabinets. We would expect the Reticent personality to be relatively uninvolved. In the management of information, the somewhat withdrawn Reticent leader is more likely to manifest a low degree of involvement and to prefer to rely on the cabinet and the civil service for information. Relations with aides are also likely to follow the same pattern. As be?ts the ill-at-ease Reticent, the
extent of the involvement will be low and is likely to be characterized by a polite/formal manner.

In their various party relations—with their caucus, the extra-parliamentary party organization and the opposition, the Reticent personality can be expected to have little or no involvement. This type of leader will tend to be closed, rather than open with the media and more passive than active in their contacts with the public.
Mixed Personality Pro?le Leaders
What happens, however, when leaders exhibit mixed personality pro?les? One may be able to theorize about the leadership style of leaders with only one or two important personality pro?les that largely predict similar behavior (i.e., like the Dominant/Ambitious or the Reticent/Retiring personality pro?les); hypothesizing about leadership behavior when faced with a leader with a number of salient and con?icting personality patterns is more complicated. A solution employed in the case of Indira Gandhi was to measure the combined weight of the most important personality patterns that were hypothesized to predict leadership behavior and to analyze the results. Of the four most important personality patterns, three—the Ambitious, the Contentious and the Controlling with a combined score of 60 (21, 20 and 19, respectively)—predict a relatively consistent set of leadership behaviors, whereas the Reticent personality pattern with a score of 21 predicts a nearly opposite set of leadership behaviors. Thus one would expect that Indira Gandhi might exhibit a mixed pattern of leadership behaviors, but with a greater emphasis on those behaviors that are linked to the Ambitious, Contentious, and Dominant personality pro?les. Indira Gandhi’s Leadership Style and Personality Pro?le
The empirical analysis of Indira Gandhi’s leadership behavior in the 10 selected categories revealed that in eight of the 10, the leadership style patterns strongly matched our theoretical expectations for the Ambitious, Dominant, and Contentious personality pro?les. Indira Gandhi emerged as strongly goaloriented, tireless in the exercise of her job, an advocate within her cabinet with a preference for receiving information from independent sources. As well, the type of involvement she exhibited with associates, the caucus, the party organization, and the opposition, which was largely competitive and controlling, also ?tted expectations for the Ambitious, Controlling, and Contentious leader. Gandhi’s dealings with the public also matched the theoretical expectations for the Ambitious, Dominant, and Contentious personality pro?les. There were two areas in which Indira Gandhi’s leadership pro?le exhibited a more equivocal picture. In the area of motivation, our theoretical expectation was that Dominant, Controlling, Ambitious, and Contentious personalities were more likely to be motivated by issues of power and ideology. In the case of the Ambitious pro?le, the desire for personal validation was also anticipated to be important. In the case of Indira Gandhi, we found that while power was a significant motivator, ideology and popular approval did not play a major role. Instead, pragmatism, which is theoretically linked to the leadership behavior of the Reticent personality pattern (as well as the Retiring, Aggrieved, Accommodating, Outgoing, and Conscientious pro?les), also emerged as a very important source of motivation.
That Indira Gandhi’s motivations did not ?t my theoretical expectations can perhaps be explained by an implicit assumption that there would be a one-to-one relationship between personality pro?les and motivations for policy choices. Thus, as a primarily ambitious, contentious, and dominant personality, Gandhi should have been much more strongly motivated by power and ideology. This could suggest the fact that in a democratic society, with opposition parties that are in a position to challenge the government, a leader who successfully retains power for a considerable period of time, as
Gandhi did, may have curbed those aspects of her personality and instead, exhibited a greater degree of pragmatism in her leadership behavior.
A second area in which my theoretical expectations were not borne out concerned the media. Rather than strongly demonstrating a closed (inaccessible and unfriendly) stance vis-a-vis the media, the results suggested an almost equal division between a pattern of open and closed behavior. However, when these results were examined more closely, I found that Gandhi was far more open to the media prior to the declaration of a State of Emergency in 1975 and increasingly closed from 1972 on. From 1966 to 1972, she was trying to acquire and consolidate her power in the struggle with the Congress Party bosses. In those circumstances, she viewed media coverage both domestically and externally as assisting her in these endeavors. During 1975–77, she was ?ghting to hold onto power and suppressed the media, which she then saw as undermining her efforts. After her defeat at the polls in 1977, she returned to power in 1980, but remained closed and inaccessible to the media which she continued to view as hostile. Another intriguing ?nding was how little impact the Reticent pattern in Indira Gandhi’s personality pro?le seems to have had on her leadership style. One explanation may be that since this personality pattern accounted for only 26.9% of the four patterns that were ranked at 19 or more, the other 73.1 % that are re?ected in the Dominant, Ambitious, and Contentious patterns that produced a personality pro?le of “compensatory narcissism” that overwhelmed the impact of the Reticent dimension in Gandhi’s personality pro?le.
A second possible explanation for the largely insigni?cant impact of the Reticent personality pattern on Gandhi’s personality pro?le may be related to the time period in which the materials for the personality pro?le were extracted. All the materials coded were extracted from biographical accounts that began in childhood, adolescence, young adulthood, and during her political career prior to her becoming Prime Minister. Interestingly enough, most of the coding that demonstrated her Reticent personality pattern was drawn from childhood and adoles-cence and could well have been suppressed by the time she was a young adult and began to play a political role. If personality is only consolidated in late adolescence, the calculation of the Reticent pattern in her childhood and early adolescence may have given greater weight to the overall results, producing a stronger pattern of reticence than what actually existed by late adolescence and adulthood. A third potential explanation involves the impact of role responsiveness (see Goldstein & Keohane, 1993, p. 3). Although Indira Gandhi demonstrated some Reticent personality traits when she assumed the of?ce of the Prime Minister, the demands of the job and the initial hostility she encountered from the Congress elites—the Syndicate—seem to have galvanized the Ambitious, Dominant, and Contentious dimensions of her personality into action. “Compensatory narcissism” allowed Indira to appeal over the heads of the Syndicate and establish a strongly personal and very effective relationship with the masses that bolstered her self-esteem and fueled this aspect of her personality.
Conclusion
This paper began with the primary purpose of investigating the relationship between personality patterns and leadership style. Looking beyond the traditional focus on American presidents, I chose to study a female leader in a parliamentary system of government. The goal was to develop hypothesized linkages between various personality patterns and leadership style behaviors. Methodological tools appropriate to these tasks were either modi?ed or created. Then, these tools were applied in the context of a single-case study—that of Indira Gandhi, the former Prime Minister of India, in order to examine the extent to which her personality pro?le and leadership style matched our theoretical expectations. For the most part, psychodynamic personality studies of political leaders have been insightful, but idiosyncratic and, thus, incapable of precise replication. In contrast, a psychodiagnostic analysis, i.e., the use of the MIDC personality inventory, allows for personality to be formally charted and scored across a comprehensive range of matters, such as expressive behavior, interpersonal conduct, cognitive style, mood, and self-image. As well, the application of a systematic measurement tool—the MIDC—permits a comparative analysis of multiple leaders.
In their examination of presidential leadership style, some scholars began with inventories of leadership style archetypes and then described those presidents that best seemed to exemplify them. (See, for example, Barber (1972/92) who developed a theory of presidential leadership style that encompassed active and passive and positive and negative behaviors and George and Stern (1998) who categorized presidential management styles as competitive, formalistic, and collegial). Others began with the presidents themselves and then examined their unique leadership behavior. (See, for example, Greenstein (1993/94, 1994) and
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Renshon (1995–96)). In contrast, this study approached leadership style based on a functional analysis of the range and intensity of prime ministerial duties. A detailed analysis of the data for Indira Gandhi revealed important connections between her observed leadership behavior and her antecedent personality patterns. Given the presence of these links, this study has provided an encouraging result. It suggests that were similar outcomes to be observed for other female prime ministers, we would have an enriched explanation of some important dimensions of leadership style.
Apart from the relationship demonstrated between Gandhi’s personality pro?le and her leadership style, her personality pro?le, itself, presented an intriguing picture. Certainly, Gandhi appears to be an anomaly when compared with male political leaders in terms of the seemingly contradictory dimensions of her personality pro?le (see Immelman’s (1998, 2000, 2002) personality pro?les). Should one expect female leaders, more than their male counterparts, to manifest a wider variety of personality patterns? Not only did Indira Gandhi exhibit Dominant, Dauntless, Ambitious, and Contentious patterns, comparable to her male counterparts, but Reticent, Retiring, and Aggrieved personality patterns not usually associated with men in leadership roles. I should have a clearer idea of whether or not the complexity of her pro?le was sui generis, after I explore the personality pro?les of other female prime ministers. If their personality pro?les resemble that of Indira Gandhi’s, then it may be gender that is playing a role. Alternatively, if Gandhi’s personality pro?le is markedly different from that of other female prime ministers in terms of its complexity, it may be that diverse cultural values can explain some of the differences.
To explore the impact of both gender and culture more meaningfully, the personality patterns and leadership styles of other female prime ministers from different cultures need to be examined, using the same rigorous and formal methodological approach. To this end, my research will continue with studies of Golda Meir of Israel and Margaret Thatcher of Great Britain.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
My warm appreciation to Jeff Osweiler and Spyridon Kostsovilis for their input in the preparation of this paper—their retrieval of library materials, coding of relevant information, and their participation in the development of an instrument for measuring leadership styles in parliamentary systems of government. Special thanks also go to Professor Aubrey Immelman for his ongoing support and expertise and to Professor Juliet Kaarbo who read an earlier draft and offered some very constructive comments. Correspondence regarding this article should be sent to Blema S. Steinberg, 4931 McGill University, Glencairn Avenue, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, H3W 2B1. Email: [email protected]
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TOPICS IN THIS DOCUMENT
Antisocial personality disorder, Indira Gandhi, Leadership, Narcissistic personality disorder, Personality disorder, Personality disorders, Personality psychology,Prime minister
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